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Also, when reading speculation like this, keep in mind that the MCU has historically taken names and basic ideas from the comics but little else.

Bay of Sighs: Guardians Trilogy by Nora Roberts (Full Audiobook) - Series Book 2 of 3

Plus, the title is simple and broad enough that it could stretch to any story the MCU wants to tell. Outcomes of this event included the Thing leaving the Fantastic Four, Spider-Man getting his symbiote costume, and Colossus breaking up with Kitty Pryde because he hooked up with a hot alien babe in space. As in all of it. As in, the giant mountain. But again, a lot of groundwork would have to be laid to justify it. Likelihood of happening : Like a lot of s Marvel stories, this has been quietly swept away most likely due to being so short. And, as a fun b-plot, John C.

Later, government officials called for an even more extreme facility, and the Supermax ADX-Florence was built in Colorado. In the s, a similar unit was created for women. The Lexington HSU existed belowground, in total isolation from the outside world and with radically restricted prisoner communications and visitations. The women were subjected to constant fluorescent lighting, almost daily strip searches, and sensory deprivation. The purpose of these conditions, according to a report by Dr. Barrington Parker, the judge in this case, said that the prison units were illegal because they disproportionately punished political dissidents.

And yet the closure of the HSU was hardly the end of the story.

During the required public comment period, civil rights groups protested that the program was inhumane. The backlash prompted the government to drop the proposal. Or so it seemed. Two years later, they opened another in Marion, Illinois. In October , the U.

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Bureau of Prisons reported that federal prisons house people convicted in terrorism-related cases. However, the government will not disclose who is housed in the CMUs, why they were transferred there or how they might appeal their designation. These secretive prisons are for political cases the government would rather remove from the public spotlight. Penitentiary in Terre Haute, Indiana.

The argument was not supported by facts, because it was incredibly difficult to learn the details of these prison units.

Star Guardian

As I detailed in my book, Green Is the New Red , prison officials threatened to punish McGowan if I interviewed him, and later punished him for writing about the units for the Huffington Post. But right now, the report is being kept hidden, even from members of Congress and government officials.

This notion of a parallel legal system has crept into local law enforcement as well. The result is that, in each upswing, we find a synthesis of automation, higher wages and higher-value consumption. Information is a machine for grinding the price of things lower and slashing the work time needed to support life on the planet. As a result, large parts of the business class have become neo-luddites. Faced with the possibility of creating gene-sequencing labs, they instead start coffee shops, nail bars and contract cleaning firms: the banking system, the planning system and late neoliberal culture reward above all the creator of low-value, long-hours jobs.

Innovation is happening but it has not, so far, triggered the fifth long upswing for capitalism that long-cycle theory would expect. The reasons lie in the specific nature of information technology. On board are people squinting at screens connected, in some lucky countries, to the internet. Seen from the ground it is the same white metal bird as in the James Bond era.

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But it is now both an intelligent machine and a node on a network. But what is all this information worth? A study for the SAS Institute in found that, in order to put a value on data, neither the cost of gathering it, nor the market value or the future income from it could be adequately calculated.

Only through a form of accounting that included non-economic benefits, and risks, could companies actually explain to their shareholders what their data was really worth. Something is broken in the logic we use to value the most important thing in the modern world. The great technological advance of the early 21st century consists not only of new objects and processes, but of old ones made intelligent. The knowledge content of products is becoming more valuable than the physical things that are used to produce them. But it is a value measured as usefulness, not exchange or asset value.

And for a reason. Its dynamics are profoundly non-capitalist.

The US government even decreed that no profit should be made out of patents, only from the production process itself. Then we began to understand intellectual property. In , Kenneth Arrow, the guru of mainstream economics, said that in a free market economy the purpose of inventing things is to create intellectual property rights.

You can observe the truth of this in every e-business model ever constructed: monopolise and protect data, capture the free social data generated by user interaction, push commercial forces into areas of data production that were non-commercial before, mine the existing data for predictive value — always and everywhere ensuring nobody but the corporation can utilise the results. The business models of all our modern digital giants are designed to prevent the abundance of information.

Yet information is abundant. Information goods are freely replicable.

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A music track or the giant database you use to build an airliner has a production cost; but its cost of reproduction falls towards zero. Therefore, if the normal price mechanism of capitalism prevails over time, its price will fall towards zero, too. There is, alongside the world of monopolised information and surveillance created by corporations and governments, a different dynamic growing up around information: information as a social good, free at the point of use, incapable of being owned or exploited or priced.

But it was actually imagined by one 19th-century economist in the era of the telegraph and the steam engine. His name? Karl Marx. The scene is Kentish Town, London, February , sometime around 4am. Marx is a wanted man in Germany and is hard at work scribbling thought-experiments and notes-to-self. He was clear that, in such an economy, the main productive force would be information. The productive power of such machines as the automated cotton-spinning machine, the telegraph and the steam locomotive did not depend on the amount of labour it took to produce them but on the state of social knowledge.

Organisation and knowledge, in other words, made a bigger contribution to productive power than the work of making and running the machines.

A need slowly emerges

Given what Marxism was to become — a theory of exploitation based on the theft of labour time — this is a revolutionary statement. A machine that could be built for nothing would, he said, add no value at all to the production process and rapidly, over several accounting periods, reduce the price, profit and labour costs of everything else it touched.

We are surrounded by machines that cost nothing and could, if we wanted them to, last forever. In short, he had imagined something close to the information economy in which we live. With the terrain changed, the old path beyond capitalism imagined by the left of the 20th century is lost. But a different path has opened up. Collaborative production, using network technology to produce goods and services that only work when they are free, or shared, defines the route beyond the market system.

It will need the state to create the framework — just as it created the framework for factory labour, sound currencies and free trade in the early 19th century. The postcapitalist sector is likely to coexist with the market sector for decades, but major change is happening. That is, they can be the basis of a non-market system that replicates itself, which does not need to be created afresh every morning on the computer screen of a commissar.

The transition will involve the state, the market and collaborative production beyond the market. But to make it happen, the entire project of the left, from protest groups to the mainstream social democratic and liberal parties, will have to be reconfigured. In fact, once people understand the logic of the postcapitalist transition, such ideas will no longer be the property of the left — but of a much wider movement, for which we will need new labels.

Who can make this happen? In the old left project it was the industrial working class. Today the whole of society is a factory. We all participate in the creation and recreation of the brands, norms and institutions that surround us. At the same time the communication grids vital for everyday work and profit are buzzing with shared knowledge and discontent. True, states can shut down Facebook , Twitter , even the entire internet and mobile network in times of crisis, paralysing the economy in the process. And they can store and monitor every kilobyte of information we produce.